Agriculture
is the core of many African economies. It accounts for more
than 30% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP); employs more
than 60% of the labour force; represents a major source of
foreign exchange; supplies the bulk of basic food and provides
subsistence and income for a large percentage of the rural
populations. Thus, significant progress in promoting economic
growth, reducing poverty and enhancing food security, cannot
be achieved in most African countries without fully developing
the productive capacity of the agricultural sector. Therefore,
the WTO AoA and the mandated negotiations under the agreement,
are of great importance to African countries.
The Main Provisions of the Agreement:
Agricultural production and trade was brought under multilateral
trading rules in the Uruguay Round (1986-1994), purposely
to reform international agricultural trade by reducing the
distortions caused by protectionist policies such as tariffs
and subsidisation. In order to implement these objectives,
WTO member countries were obliged to make quantitative reduction
commitments in the three main areas of the agreement, on a
country-by-country and commodity-by-commodity basis. The three
areas are: market access, domestic support, and export subsidy.
Market access
Restrictions on market access were in the form of tariffs
and non-tariff measures. Under the AoA, members were required
to remove all non-tariff measures and replace them with their
tariff equivalents. These additional tariff levels were to
be added to the ordinary tariffs resulting in the total tariffs
on the various agricultural products. This is called the tariffication
of the non-tariff measures. The tariffs arrived at after tariffication
were to be progressively reduced: by 36% over six years (1995-2000)
for developed countries, and by 24% over ten years (1995-2004)
for developing countries. The Least Developed Countries (LDCs)
were not required to undertake any reductions in their tariffs
though they were required to bind them against further increases.
The agreement provides for a special safeguard clause (SSG)
that enables a country that has used the tariffication process,
to apply additional tariffs following an import price decline,
or sudden import surge.
Domestic support
Under the agreement, all domestic support in favour of agricultural
producers is subject to rules. Domestic support measures are
categorised under three types:
• Amber Box, or measures that are taken
to be trade distorting and have effect on production, such
as input subsidies and price support.
• Green box, or measures that are assumed not to have
effects on production such as support for research, marketing
assistance.
• Blue Box, or measures such as direct payments to farmers
to compensate them for programmes to limit production.
Subsidies under the Green Box and the Blue Box were exempted
from reduction, while those under the Amber box were to be
quantified under the Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS), and
reduced: by 20% over six years (1995- 2000) for developed
countries and by 13% for developing countries over ten years
(1995-2004). Although LDCs are exempted from these reduction
commitments, they are required not to raise their level of
support beyond the de minimis level (10% of the total value
of agricultural production).
Export subsidies
The reduction commitments are in 2 areas: the annual budgetary
outlay and the quantity of export covered by the export subsidy.
Export subsidies were to be reduced by 36% in value and 21%
in volume, for developed countries over a period of six years
(1995-2000) and by 24% in value and 14% in volume, for developing
countries over ten years (1995-2004).
The imbalances and inequities in the AoA:
The AoA was supposed to discipline the high levels of protection
in the developed countries, and by so doing, to offer very
substantial benefits in terms of market access to many developing
countries, as they have a comparative advantage in agricultural
products. In reality, little progress has been made in the
reduction of agricultural protection and subsidies in the
developed countries. In fact, overall levels of subsidy have
increased rather than decreased, through increased use of
the Green Box measures which are exempted from reduction under
the AoA.
The developed countries especially the US and the EU are determined
to maintain and increase their agriculture subsidy levels,
as evidenced by the US Farm Bill 2002, which increased agricultural
subsidies by almost 80%, with US$180 billion allocated over
the next 10 years. The OECD countries spend US$361billion
annually subsidising their farmers.
The tariff rates on a number of items of potential interest
to the South are still prohibitively high, because tariffs
rates were high in the first year of the agreement and developed
countries needed to reduce them by only 36% on average, to
the end of 2000. For example agricultural tariffs on temperate-zone
products such as maize, barley and wheat, were 154%, 197%
and 214% respectively in the OECD countries in 1995. Tariff
peaks (in other words, goods where the percentage tariff is
higher than the agreed average), are prevalent in major food
staples, fruits and vegetables, while tariff escalation pervades
important product chains like coffee, cocoa and oilseeds,
as well as animal products like hides and skins. These limit
marketing and diversification opportunities for developing
countries .
The Effects of subsidies on developing countries:
The effect of the dumping of subsidy-driven surpluses on developing
countries has been devastating in the following ways. They
lose;
• Export opportunities and revenues from having their
market access blocked in the developed countries using the
subsidies.
• Export opportunities in other countries because the
subsidising country is exporting to these countries at artificially
low prices.
• Their market share in their own domestic market and
even their livelihood, due to the inflow of artificially cheap,
subsidised imports.
Most developing countries, on the other hand, cannot support
and protect their own agricultural sectors properly. Under
IMF/WB loan conditionalities, they were forced to reduce or
eliminate their subsidies and institutions set up to assist
farmers in marketing their products. Now under the AoA; they
are unable to increase them beyond the de minimis level. In
any case, they have insufficient funds to take advantage of
the permissible domestic support.
The AoA offers developing countries no tools to protect themselves
against sudden import surges and price shocks, since Special
Safeguard measures can only be used on products that were
tariffied. Very few developing countries tariffied their products
as they did not have non-tariff barriers. The general safeguard
is applied only after proving the existence of injury or threat
of injury to domestic production, a requirement which is difficult
to prove in developing countries, given the dispersed nature
of production. Neither can developing countries use countervailing
duty, as it is meant to provide defence against specific and
occasional cases of subsidies, but developing countries are
faced with a structural problem of widespread use of subsidies
in the developed countries, within the framework of the existing
rules.
The AoA negotiations: From Doha to Cancun:
The Doha Ministerial Declaration launched
“comprehensive negotiations aimed at:
• substantial improvements in market access;
• reduction of, with a view to phasing out, all forms
of export subsidies;
• substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic
support”.
It was also agreed that special and differential
treatment for developing countries shall be an integral part
of all elements of the negotiations.
Modalities for further commitments in agricultural reform
were to be agreed by 31st March 2003. (Para 13 &14).This
deadline has passed with no agreement reached on the draft
modalities.
Neither the draft modalities papers of February 12th 2003
nor the slightly revised version of March 18th 2003, drawn
up by Stuart Harbison, the Chairman of the WTO Committee on
Agriculture, address the fundamental concerns of developing
countries as they do not tackle the structural imbalances
and deficiencies in the Agreement. For example, on export
subsidies, the draft proposes that half of the export subsidies
shall be phased out over 5 years and the other half over nine
years. This means that export subsidies, which have such disastrous
effects on developing countries will continue for sometime.
The reduction commitments for the Blue box and Amber box are
insufficient, as they cannot lead to the eventual phasing
out of the actual spending on these measures. The text also
provides no option to cap the trade-distorting elements of
the Green Box measures. Although the Draft includes the concept
of strategic products (SP) and the special Safeguard Mechanisms
( SSM) for developing countries, the SP have not as yet been
agreed on, and the developed countries are to continue using
the SSM for over an unspecified period of time.
For many developing countries, the proposed modalities based
on lesser percentages of reduction, spread over longer periods
than allowed in the Uruguay Round, are not appropriate for
addressing the inequities and imbalances in the AoA as they
have failed to offer the flexibility developing countries
need to address their development concerns especially food
sovereignty and rural development. In accordance with these
aspirations, developing countries are therefore calling for:
1. The Unencumbered use of the Special and
general Safeguards; and import control Measures by developing
countries.
2. The provision of subsidies to small farmers.
3. The elimination of amber, blue and de minimus boxes of
subsidies by developed countries and the limiting of their
green box subsidies as these have a direct effect on production
for export and therefore become trade distorting.
4. The elimination of all forms of export subsidies, credits,
tariff peaks and escalation by developed countries and the
need for transparency in tariff rate and quota administration.
5. Special and Differential Treatment for developing countries
by allowing them to raise tariffs (beyond the bound rates
if necessary) on strategic products in accordance with their
individual needs.
6. The developed countries to implement The Marrakech Decision
that addresses the issue of the negative impact of the implementation
of the AoA on Net Food Importing Developing countries and
LDCs.
References:
1. Bhagirath Lal Das (2002): The New Work Programme of
the WTO. Third World Network
2. Bhagirath Lal Das (1998): The WTO Agreements Deficiencies,
Imbalances and Required Changes. Third world Network
3. Martin Khor (2002): The WTO, the Post-Doha Agenda and the
Future of the Trade System: A development perspective. Third
World network
4. World Trade Organisation (WTO) (2001a) Ministerial Declaration.
5. World Trade Organisation (WTO) TN/AG/W/1/Rev.1 (18th March
2003) : Negotiations on agriculture .First draft of Modalities
for The Further commitments. |